Keiswetter noted during the interview that it is Saddam Hussein who is responsible for Iraq's problems. He said that Saddam Hussein's regime continues to inflict more pain on its people by not using the over $9 billion in food and medicine authorized under the United Nations Oil-for-Food program and has failed to deliver tons of humanitarian aid to its citizens. He also noted that health care and better nutritional programs could be found inside areas of Iraq not controlled by Saddam's military.

Keiswetter said that on the Arabian Peninsula today, there have been impressive economic, military and political changes, and also noted that individual states have taken major steps towards resolving the border disputes peaceably with each other and with their neighbors. "There is also expanded political participation in virtually all of the states. They also have a strong need and a strong resolve to defend themselves." Keiswetter said.

Another important development, said Keiswetter, is the evolution that has begun in the Gulf towards a more constructive relationship with Iran, by both the Gulf states and by the United States." He also noted that the United States-Gulf relations "remain stronger than ever -- politically, economically and also militarily." He noted that on September 5 U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright attended the speech given by Iranian President Khatemi at the United Nations.

"We have welcomed a dialogue with Iran on the issues that divide us," said Keiswetter, noting that terrorism, weapons of mass destruction, human rights and the Middle East Peace Process are issues which have separated the two countries over the years. He said that there is an open invitation to hold official government-to-government discussions with Iran despite differences.

When asked about the future of the oil-based economy of the Gulf, Keiswetter made the point "that through diversity and through greater integration of the GCC economies and the Gulf economies in the world market, these countries can become less dependent on just oil alone." He also noted that the United States was hopeful the Saudi Arabia's application to the World Trade Organization (WTO) would be successful over the next year.

Keiswetter said that the goal the GCC has set out for itself to create a common market in the region is important. "As progress is made towards this goal, then it will be more attractive to investors who can then think of not just a market of one country but a market of several countries, and this will attract investors."

(begin text)

GUEST: Allen Keiswetter, Deputy Assistant Secretary for Near East Affairs, U.S. Department of State

TOPIC: U.S. Policy in the Gulf Region

HOST: Shameem Rassam (Through Interpreter)

DATE: September 6, 2000 TIME: 10:00 - 11:00 EDT

MS. RASSAM: Dear viewers, this is Shameem Rassam welcoming you to "Global Exchange."

It's been 10 years since Iraqi troops entered the tiny oil-rich emirate of Kuwait and these troops occupied Kuwait for seven months before being repulsed by a U.S.-led coalition of forces. It's a full 10 years. Yet Saddam Hussein still has the ability to grab the headlines and disrupt and threaten the region.

As recently as last week, there were rumors in Washington that Saddam might soon attempt to fire a missile at one of his neighbors. It's been reported that the Pentagon has put a Patriot anti-missile battery on alert for possible deployment to Israel.

Elsewhere in the Gulf region, Saudi Arabia and Iran, there has been considerable societal change. Today on "Global Exchange" we'll talk about the political situation in the Gulf and U.S. policy towards the region. We will be talking about these subjects with a senior representative from the U.S. Department of State. Mr. Allen Keiswetter is the newly appointed deputy assistant secretary of State for Near East affairs, with particular focus on the Gulf region. Mr. Keiswetter has worked in the senior Foreign Service, and he has completed assignments in Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Sudan, Iraq and Lebanon, and he is a first-time guest on our program. A special welcome to you, Mr. Keiswetter.

MR. KEISWETTER: Hello, I'm very delighted to be here.

MS. RASSAM: I also want to welcome the Arab News Network around the world, and welcome their viewers also, and invite you all to come to call us with your comments or questions. Please call us collect at 202-205-9066. Please tell the international operator that you would like to make the phone call collect, and that means you will not be charged for it.

Let's start our dialogue and our conversation with our studio guest. Mr. Keiswetter, you were appointed approximately one month ago as deputy assistant secretary of State for the Near East affairs. From your point of view, what are the most important issues that are facing the Gulf right now?

MR. KEISWETTER: Well, let me begin and say how happy I am to have this chance to talk with you and with our viewers about the important issues that are in the Gulf today. And I would like to take a broad view of this to include the Arab peninsula as a whole, as well as the entire Gulf.

I think we have had a lot of important changes in the last decade since Iraq invaded Kuwait in 1990. And I think I might just list them at the beginning. One of the most important of course is the fact that Saddam Hussein still remains in his box. Another important one is that an evolution has begun in the Gulf towards more constructive relationships with Iran, by both the Gulf states and by the United States. I would like to note too that U.S.-Gulf relations remain stronger than ever -- politically, economically and also militarily.

I can't ignore the context. One of the results of the Gulf War has been in fact a revitalization of the Middle East peace process. And this is an important change. In fact, today in New York President Clinton is meeting with Prime Minister Barak and with Chairman Arafat in what may be the best chance or the best window of opportunity for peace in 33 years.

In the Arab peninsula itself, there have been impressive changes economically, militarily and politically. The GCC has strengthened the process towards a common market, and integrating the individual economies into the world economy. The individual states have taken major steps towards resolving the border disputes peaceably with each other and with their neighbors.

There is also expanded political participation in virtually all of the states. They also have a strong need and a strong resolve to defend themselves.

But I would like to return, please, to where we began by talking about Iraq. The least change has been in Iraq itself, which has continued to not comply with U.N. Security Council resolutions, which still impoverishes and represses its people, and still requires international vigilance to contain Saddam's ambitions. I think that's a brief overview.

MS. RASSAM: It is also a very good review of the region right now.

But before we go into the points that you mentioned, I would like to point out to you that you mentioned the most important issues, but I am wondering about the challenges for the countries of the region, the people of the region, and also for the governments of the region. What are these challenges, and how would the governments in these countries and the peoples of these countries, especially those who have undergone change in various areas -- how would they respond to these challenges?

MR. KEISWETTER: The challenges are formidable, needless to say. And there is a famous American baseball player, a catcher, whose name is Yogi Berra, and he says prediction is hard, particularly about the future. So when predicting, I would just like to say that there are many people who would have their own list of issues and challenges for the future, but I would like to just mention a few of them.

I would mention Iraq. And one of the important things about Iraq is not only keeping Saddam in a box, but working towards the creation of an Iraq that will live peaceably with its neighbors as an integral part of the community, as an integral nation, and as it develops towards democracy.

We would like to see Iran and the relationships with Iran continue to evolve towards a policy of good neighborliness. We think that's important.

We think it's important to stem the development of weapons of mass destruction that could threaten the area's stability.

We believe that strengthening the relations for peace as we are trying to do in the Middle East peace process is going to be another major challenge for governments and for the people of the entire region.

In the Arab peninsula itself, I mention the importance of economics. And here the countries, many of them, are blessed to have strong oil economies. But as they continue to diversify, and as they continue to integrate themselves into the world economy and to create a common market, they will create other opportunities that they can also grow.

I would like to also mention the continued growth of political participation. And we have had in fact good changes and good starts, and really remarkable things have happened in many countries. We have a very active parliament in Kuwait for example. We have women who have participated and run for office in Qatar and in Yemen. We have the majlis al shura in the UAE and in Saudi Arabia. In Oman we have a basic law. In Bahrain we have the promise of municipal elections and an effort towards reconciliation. All of these are important challenges for the people of the region and their governments.

In the course of all of this of course we are certain that the U.S. relationship with these countries will remain strong and of mutual benefit.

MS. RASSAM: Media, especially the media agencies in the Gulf, convey to us different points of view, some pro and some against. And what we hear from these reports, particularly, and you mentioned, sir, the economic situation in the region, which is very important. We notice that there has been an improvement in the economic standards in the region. Other opinions, however, say that there is increased spending and revenues and incomes have declined, and there is also an arms race in the region, and all of these things are affecting the economic situation in the region, and that that, the economic situation in the region, is one of the major challenges faced by nations and countries in the region. Can we hear from you further elaboration or explanation about this issue? And do you agree that the economic situation is deteriorating in the region? And of course that has a tremendous effect on various aspects of life in the region for the people.

MR. KEISWETTER: Well, thank you, I would be delighted to talk a little more about the economic side. I think it's important to just remember what has happened in the last two or three years. Where were oil prices two years ago and where are they now? Oil prices were down to $10 a barrel, and there were many countries in the region who felt austerity was a necessary, and in fact undertook reforms. Since then oil has gone up.

But I would just like to make the point that through diversifying and through greater integration of the GCC economies and the Gulf economies in the world market, these countries can become less dependent on just oil alone. It will always remain of course a major and undoubtedly the major item in their economies; but, nonetheless, it is a question of integration and diversifying.

What do I have in mind? Well, for example, Saudi Arabia is now applying to join the World Trade Organization, and we are hopeful that those negotiations will be concluded in the course of the next few months or year. The same thing is true also of Oman, who has also just joined the World Trade Organization. With these come adaptations that will attract business and investors.

Another point about this I would like to make is the common heritage of these countries and the efforts that the GCC has made towards creating a common market, which is a goal they have set for themselves some years out. As progress is made towards this goal, then it will be more attractive to investors who can then think of not just a market of one country but a market of several countries, and this will attract investors. So really there are two parts of this. One is the steps and reforms that be taken by countries to join the world economy, and the others are steps that they can take towards integration, which will make them more attractive to business and thus investors.

MS. RASSAM: And how could all of these ideas be confronted, especially when there are people who say we do not wish to be under the control of U.S. policies and U.S. domination and globalization? Many people in the Gulf wonder why shouldn't we be independent, and you are very well familiar with all of these things and with all the different opinions about these issues. What are the plans that are available to confront or to explain this U.S. policy to people who have other opinions about it in the Gulf region?

MR. KEISWETTER: Well, I guess I would say the U.S. is only one of several players in the world economy, and we are the largest without doubt. On the other hand, the changes that I am suggesting are not only changes from the point of view of the U.S. government, but these are changes that are necessary for I think a broader economic base in these countries in general, and benefit for all concerned. And they are difficult, and they have to be taken through adaptation. So local circumstances are taken into account. Every country who in fact joins the WTO has to meet a certain set of requirements. But also there are long sets of negotiations that go on for months and years before-hand so that the appropriate adaptations can be made for each country.

In any event, the goal here is I think an expanded economy for all of the countries that will allow more opportunities, that will in fact increase employment and generally help raise the standard of living.

MS. RASSAM: And now joining us is our colleague Yayad Harb (ph) from Arab News Network in London. Greetings, Mr. Harb (ph), to you and to your colleagues in the studios in London. Welcome and please go ahead.

Q: Thank you very much. We greet you back from our Arab News Network, and we thank our colleagues and your guests in Washington. Let's start from the very beginning, which is a very basic and essential start for all the problems that are related to that problem, and that -- and I mean the crisis of the sanctions against Iraq. This is creating a lot of tension, one time on the Iraqi side and one time on the U.S. side. But, nevertheless, despite these sanctions the regime is gaining power, the regime in Iraq is gaining more power. So the question that is being raised silently and openly: How long will these sanctions continue? Shouldn't this policy be reviewed?

MR. KEISWETTER: I would like to answer that by saying that the sanctions policy is of course of great concern to us. And to just make a point that we all have great sympathy for the suffering of the Iraqi people. But let me tell you what has been done on sanctions and what the U.S. government policy is and what it has been doing.

Under our leadership we have created the oil-for-food program. This is a program that is under U.N. Resolution 1284, but also goes back more than five years before that. It allows Iraq to sell oil to import foods and medicines. And it has been expanded so that there is no limit to the amount of oil that Saddam can in fact export for these reasons.

The problem is -- or a part of the is, a major part of the problem is, that Saddam has not been willing to cooperate. For example, he now has more than $9 billion worth of oil revenues in his special bank accounts intended for food and for oil, but which he has not spent. And another case -- let me just point out that in the parts of Iraq that are least under Saddam Hussein's control, for example in Kurdistan, the standard of living and the supply of food and medicines is at least as good if not better than before the war. Within the areas in which Saddam himself has strong control, it is very spotty, because those areas that he favors they of course have a high standard of living. For those areas in which he does not favor, there is great poverty and impoverishment.

So the point here that I would make is a major obstacle here to relieving the suffering of the Iraqi people and the sanctions is in fact that something is in fact Saddam's responsibility, and that's where the responsibility relies. Is that helpful?

Q: The second center of American policy in the region is based on oil. When the prices of oil remain stable, Washington says this is due to market factors and we must not manipulate or play around with these factors. But when prices rise Washington has another point of view. Is this an example of the double standard that Washington employs with the countries of the region? And what if the mechanism of stabilizing prices fails -- what would be the American principle for controlling the prices of oil and stabilizing them?

MR. KEISWETTER: Well, I think the U.S. does believe in the operation of market forces in regard to the oil. We also believe that there has to be a certain degree of stability, both from the supplier's point of view and for the consumer's point of view. And in many ways this is sort of a self-correcting mechanism, because as prices go up more oil comes on the market and vice versa. We of course talk with our friends in the region about oil issues, and about the assurances of a secure supply. I think in the long term that these issues will all average themselves out.

Q: The third point has to do with your relations with Iran -- and Iran is also a Gulf country and has complicated and complex relations with the countries of the region. The United States has employed a dual containment policy against Iran and Iraq at the same time, but we have seen Secretary Albright applaud President Khatemi in some of the recent comments that he made. Is there a U.S. desire to create rapprochement with Iran and to end the dual containment policy? And does that mean that we should expect meetings between Secretary Albright and perhaps President Khatemi or her counterpart in Iran? And what does that mean on your policy towards Iran for the future?

MR. KEISWETTER: Well, let me just comment that yesterday President Khatemi in fact spoke in New York at the U.N. in a conference called the Dialogue of Civilizations. And the secretary of State, Madeleine Albright, did attend that.

Our policy is I think clear on this. We have welcomed a dialogue with john [sic] Iran on the issues that divide us, and these are principally four. One of them is terrorism, one is weapons of mass destruction, another one is human rights, and finally is the Middle East peace process. And we would hope to continue that there can be -- in fact, we have invited -- the secretary has invited the Iranians to have an official government discussion of these issues with us. So far this invitation has not been officially accepted, but it remains open. And so we have our concerns which are still to be sorted out, but we remain open to constructive dialogue.

MS. RASSAM: We resume our dialogue with you all today, and we are talking about the Gulf region with Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Near East Affairs. He, Mr. Keiswetter, has been talking about U.S. policy in the Gulf region. And now we take a phone call from -- (inaudible).

Q: I would like to direct my question to Mr. Keiswetter. We lived under Saddam before the sanctions and know about the conditions in Iraq before the sanctions they were very good, and the Iraqi people enjoyed high standards of education, high standards of living and medical treatment. We have heard a lot of statements and lies about the Iraqi government not willing to purchase the medicines needed for the people of Iraq, and it is being said that it is the United States and Britain that are preventing the delivery of medicine and food to the Iraqi people. And we know that the Iraqi government has not spent any of this money that was supposed to be designed under the food-for-oil program to buy medicine. So how do you stand on this with regard to the human rights that you are calling for and the equity and justice for the people of Iraq?

MR. KEISWETTER: I think I understand the question, but let me assure you that the fact that Saddam Hussein has a large amount of money unspent for food and medicine is not a lie -- that is a fact. And also that the U.N. has uncovered warehouses full -- tons and tons of foods and medicines not distributed. Now, all that is true.

I respect very much your own personal experience here, as you have lived in Iraq. But I also many years ago have lived in Iraq myself, and since then I have also kept in touch with the people I have known who have been to Iraq recently. I guess I think the real issue here is Iraq's future and how it can have a better life. And we believe that a prosperous, stable, democratic Iraq is not possible with Saddam Hussein, and it's not possible either if we lift the sanctions, because Saddam Hussein would just have more scope for abusing the resources over which he would have control.

MS. RASSAM: Mr. Keiswetter, we are talking about -- just as Mr. Harb (ph) said in reference to the point one, the relations between the United States and the Gulf region and especially Iraq. As you said, sir, we are looking forward to a better future for the people of the region and the Gulf. We have seen recent activities on the diplomatic front between Iraq and the countries of the Gulf. In the Jerusalem committee which met in Morocco, there has been a strong call issued from Yemen, Libya and from the different countries that met there. Also the Arab League called for the same thing. And reports indicate that Esmat Dr. Abdel-Meguid is preparing the groundwork for reconciliation with Iraq. In other words, the regime will continue. And yet there is a major campaign going on for a lifting of the sanctions, and even as the entire region is looking forward to a better future in the region. What would be U.S. policy in the region if reconciliation were to take place with the Iraqi regime, and if the call by the countries in the region to lift the sanctions were to be met?

MR. KEISWETTER: A couple of points I would like to make in regard to this. First of all, we are strongly against any move to rehabilitate Saddam Hussein, because we think that he has not reformed. We think that he will continue to repress his people. And we think he continues to have ambitions that will endanger his neighbors.

I think that this is in fact a widely shared view. I only point for example to the most recent GCC communique issued just two or three days ago, which gave a very strong, strong indictment of the Iraqi regime. I would also note that all of the U.N. Security Council members strongly favor the implementation of U.N. Resolution 1284. And I think for the near future the answer to these questions is to move as rapidly as possible to a vigorous enforcement of 1284 as a means that will, one, feed the Iraqi people and give them medicines -- and all of this is under the oil-for-food program; two, require him to relinquish his weapons of mass destruction and precursors therefore; and, three, provide for an inspection regime so that we can be sure that this is happening. These are very basic elements of U.N. Resolution 1284, and I think that this offers the best hope of creating the type of political and economic and military and strategic conditions that we need for a prosperous and peaceful Gulf.

MS. RASSAM: We are continuing our dialogue with our colleague Mr. Harb (ph) at ANN in London. Please go ahead, Mr. Harb (ph).

Q: I believe that you, Mr. Keiswetter, share the opinion with me that since Saudi Arabia is one of the more important and fundamental countries in the region, Prince Abdullah, the crown prince of Saudi Arabia, will be meeting with President Clinton while he is in New York attending the millennium summit. Saudi Arabia as a member of OPEC is also a powerful member of OPEC. Do you think the deliberations and the negotiations between the president and the crown prince will also include topics that have to do with OPEC and the price of oil, as well as the Middle East peace process and the status of Jerusalem? And what will the role of Saudi Arabia do you think be?

MR. KEISWETTER: Well, let me say that the president in fact will be meeting -- I believe it's even today -- with Crown Prince Abdullah. This is a long-established relationship. Crown Prince Abdullah has in fact visited here two years ago on an official state visit, and there have been frequent exchanges between the two. So this is a close relationship in which the two know each other. I think the discussions will likely focus on the peace process, but I think it's very reasonable to assume that they will take up other issues of concern as well. I obviously am not there and the meeting has not happened, so I can't -- back to Yogi Berra -- it's very difficult to predict particularly the future. But I believe that these are in fact all important issues that could be on the agenda.

The other point that I would like to make is that in fact we do recognize the very important role that Saudi Arabia plays in the region, and it is the home -- it does have in Saudi Arabia the most sacred sites of Islam. And the king of Saudi Arabia for example was the custodian of the two holy mosques. So obviously it has an important role in issues such as Jerusalem. And obviously as because of the world's largest supplier of oil it has an important role too in oil issues.

Q: Another point that results from the strong military influence of the United States in the Gulf region. As you well know, this kind of influence is creating certain sensitivities or at the very least is creating some tensions, and efforts on the part of some who oppose this influence to create problems. Is the United States keeping its troops in the region for reasons that have to do with oil, or because of potential problems in the region? Are there any other justifications for the presence of U.S. troops in the region, and does the United States intend to reduce that presence at any time in the near future?

MR. KEISWETTER: Well, the United States troops are there at invitation and with the consent of the host governments, and there are troops that are there because we see a common interest in meeting a common threat. And as several of the leaders of the region have repeatedly told me, this is a very dangerous neighborhood, a very rough neighborhood, and it is therefore for these reasons that we have been asked to in fact keep a military presence there. And I think as long as we have a common interest we will of course be very sensitive -- or let's put it differently -- we do have a common interest, and we will of course be very sensitive to the circumstances in the region. I think as long as we perceive a common interest here that we will continue to balance our forces accordingly.

MS. RASSAM: We now have a telephone call from Dr. Karem (ph) from -- (inaudible). Please go ahead sir.

Q: Thank you very much for taking my call. This is my first time to call. And let me welcome your guest, and I would like to direct my question to him. We know that all statements made by U.S. officials about Saddam Hussein is developing chemical and biological weapons, and these statements go back for many years. And we go back and forth between what Saddam Hussein is saying and what U.S. officials are saying. What is your position on this slow death that the Iraqi people are experiencing either because of the sanctions or because of the oppression of the regime? And what plans do you have to rid the Iraqi people of this very oppressive and stern dictator? What is your position in the long term on this slow death that the Iraqi people are experiencing, and how can we end this suffering that they are going through?

MR. KEISWETTER: Well, U.S. policy is containing the threat imposed by the regime of Saddam Hussein, and to try to promote a change of regime in Baghdad. And I think as I mentioned earlier, our goal, our ultimately goal, is to see Iraq fully rehabilitated and flourishing as a source of stability and prosperity for Iraqis and for their neighbors. We frankly -- and I agree with you -- we just don't see how this can happen under Saddam Hussein, under the current regime. And therefore we support Iraqis who are determined to put the country on a course towards democracy and towards a new government in Baghdad.

But we also feel that only the Iraqis themselves could bring about this change, and we will continue to work with those who want to create conditions that are better in Iraq. And in this case we have for example had meetings with Iraqi opposition where we have discussed our mutual efforts to move ahead with assistance and training under the Iraqi Liberation Act and under the provision of another law using economic support funds. So I think that's the basic answer to the question. And in general we believe that the type of Iraq that we think and that the Iraqis themselves want cannot occur under Saddam. In fact, a colleague of mine recently said at heart we believe probably most Iraqis are anti-Saddam Hussein -- they just don't have the chance to express it.

MS. RASSAM: We are still continuing our conversation and dialogue with our colleague Mr. Harb (ph) at ANN in London. Please go ahead.

Q: In light of the statements you made right now, and in light of the well known U.S. position, it is clear to us that you are very much interested in the Gulf region, and that you attach a great deal of importance to these countries economically and also in relation to energy. Then that being the case, can we look forward to a new level of cooperation between the United States and the countries of the region for the purpose of developing the economic systems of these countries, especially those countries that are looking forward to developing their economy and diversifying the sources of their economy from relying solely on oil and relying on other industries also?

MR. KEISWETTER: I think the answer to that question is that we are obviously very strongly interested in the Gulf, and that, two, we are already engaging with these countries on economic issues that I have mentioned and you have just reviewed here. For example, I am the U.S. co-chair of the U.S.-GCC economic dialogue that meets in plenary session once a year and then has another smaller meeting at a midpoint through the year where we discuss these issues. We have also been very supportive for the applications to the WTO of Saudi Arabia and of Oman. And in general we are willing to do what we can in fact to encourage the type of changes that I talked about.

MS. RASSAM: Let's continue our program today on "Global Exchange." Our studio guest is Mr. Allen Keiswetter, who is the deputy assistant secretary of State for Near East affairs. I know that we have many phone calls waiting. But before we take one of them, I would like to ask you, since we are still talking about the Gulf region, I would like to ask you about the dispute that we have heard a long time about European and American disputes on dealing with the region. And there are sometimes the points of view are not the same -- and Europe has had a long history of economic involvement in the region. What is the situation now? Are there still sensitivities between the United States and European countries -- and especially since we know that the Europeans are very sensitive about the unilateral position that the United States occupies in the region?

MR. KEISWETTER: I think there is a strong element of cooperation as well as obvious elements of competition. Perhaps the strongest element that I can point to of cooperation is in fact the grand coalition put together for the Gulf War and that elements of this in fact have continued and that's reflected in the work of the Security Council, and the fact now that everyone would like to have the implementation of U.N. Resolution 1284.

There are also, however, economic issues, to which you alluded, and here too we have obvious competition. But we also have cooperation. For example, the Europeans and the Japanese and the others also strongly support the type of evolution that I have suggested that would include membership in the WTO. And this is a very -- by I think all countries -- this is a very large and long negotiating process that involves not only negotiations with the United States but negotiations with the individual countries including the Europeans and the Japanese. So while there are elements of competition there are also strong elements of cooperation.

MS. RASSAM: And now let's take one phone call. We have one from a viewer, Mr. Aziz, in Germany. Please go ahead.

Q: Hello, greetings. Greetings to you and to your guest. I have a question directed to your guest. Why don't you not make a serious effort to put Saddam Hussein and Alik Enyawi (ph) and their colleagues on trial for all the crimes they have committed against the Iraqi people and the Kurdish people of Iraq by using chemical weapons against them?

MR. KEISWETTER: Well, I am very glad you have asked this question, because it is something I have failed to take up so far. And the fact is that we do feel that these people should be held accountable for their crimes against humanity and for their war crimes. And you just mentioned some of them. But there are many more -- more than a thousand for example Kuwaiti civilians who were killed in the invasion of Kuwait rather brutally. There were more than two dozen torture centers that we have uncovered. And in addition of course the Kuwaitis destroyed a large number of oil fields and seriously damaged others. All of this are in addition to the things that you mentioned. We think they should be held accountable, and this is something that we are working towards, and it is in fact a new effort with the endorsement of the secretary of State, and with the direct involvement of our assistant secretary for international organizations David Welch, and with our assistant secretary for human rights and war crimes David Scheffer. I believe this is an issue that we are very much aware of and we hope to make progress on it as circumstances permit.

MS. RASSAM: We now take a phone call from viewer Khalid (ph), also in Germany. Please go ahead.

Q: Greetings, hello. I have a question for Mr. Keiswetter. I heard him say that we tried to help the Iraqi opposition bring down Saddam Hussein. If this opposition were a true opposition, they would have united their forces against Saddam, but for 10 years they have not been able to unite their forces. They have been involved in problems and struggle for power. Every single faction of them wants to be a leader. So how can you be relying on them seriously?

MS. RASSAM: This is with regard to the factions of the opposition. And whenever we host someone from the U.S. administration this question comes up. Those factions that cannot unite their forces, and they will have completely different points of view -- what do you think about that?

MR. KEISWETTER: I think that the Iraqi oppositions in fact have made some progress in this regard. You recited the history here of division. But now about two years ago, maybe a little less, the leaders met in London, and they have elected a leadership element which has provided greater direction and we believe continuity here. They have in fact come to the United States on occasion, and most recently in July Vice President Gore also met with a group of them.

So I believe that we have made -- that the Iraqi opposition has made some progress here in organizing itself.

MS. RASSAM: I would like to move on now to one of the issues with which we started our discussion, the peace process. In the peace process, as you know, we are seeing new movements on that front, and there will be meetings between President Clinton and Prime Minister Barak and Chairman Arafat. There have been numerous statements and there was a lot of sense of despair that we may have lost hope in the peace process. But now there are indications that the talks might resume and that progress is achievable. And yet there is still Palestinian opposition to the peace process, and especially opposition to any compromises or concessions from Chairman Arafat. The issue is a major one. Is there in fact U.S. pressure, as reported by the media, that all parties must reach a solution to the peace process or a settlement of the peace process before the end of President Clinton's term? Will these pressures be firmly applied to get concessions from the two parties?

MR. KEISWETTER: I think the most important thing to keep in mind here -- well, there are actually two important things I would like to make. First of all is any peace settlement has to meet the needs of both of the parties, both the Israelis and the Palestinians. And I think in addition to that I would like to make the point, however, this is probably the best chance, the best window of opportunity for some 33 years. And so we would -- the president is strongly committed to making progress. He will do his very best. But those are sort of the wide parameters here on which we are going forward. The principal issue is, as I think you have alluded to at this point, is the arrangements for Jerusalem. This is in fact the most difficult issue. The president has called it the most difficult issue he has faced and ever tried to negotiate about. And he is doing his best to make progress. But the solution does have to meet the needs of both sides, and it does have to be I think generally acceptable to the Islamic world, the Muslim world, as well.

MS. RASSAM: We have a phone call from one of ANN's viewers from Germany, Mr. Mohammed. Please go ahead.

Q: Thank you for taking my call, and thank you for your guest. Given the efforts that are being made by the United States and the European community and the United Nations organizations to establish stability and peace in the Near East and the Far East, the Kurdish people in Syria, the Kurd minority in Syria, is deprived of their simplest human rights and their ethnic rights, are still struggling. That's on the one hand. On the other hand, ever since the international changes took place and the winds of change have come over the world, the Kurdish people and their national movement has been struggling, using all peaceful methods in Syria to gain some of their rights. Nevertheless, the Syrian prisons continue to be filled with Kurdish people who are struggling for their freedom and their rights, who are charged with the crime of belonging to the party that is defending their rights.

MS. RASSAM: Please allow me to interrupt you, Mr. Mohammed. What is your question? Could you please summarize your question, because we are almost out of time? I am very sorry, I did not intend for us to cut off the call, but, Mr. Keiswetter, do you have any comment on the statements made by the gentleman?

MR. KEISWETTER: I appreciate very much you making these remarks and bringing them to my attention. We do keep the human rights situation under review in Syria, and it is in that context that I appreciate the comments that you have made.

MS. RASSAM: Since we are talking about Syria, let's say something about the relations between the United States and Syria after the departure of former President Hafez el-Assad and the advent of a new president, new blood in the country. There are predictions that as a result of Bashar el-Assad being the president there will be a change in the climate of political relations between the United States and Syria, and that the new president may resume the talks on the peace process with Israel. Do you see something along those lines on the horizon?

MR. KEISWETTER: Well, as you may know, the assistant secretary of State Ned Walker in fact visited Syria and did have a chance to meet with President Bashar while he was there. These were very good and constructive meetings, and I think that as we go forward on the peace process we would like to in fact go forward with a comprehensive peace process that includes not only an agreement between the Israelis and the Palestinians but an agreement also on what is called the Syrian track between the Israelis and the Syrians, and also the Lebanese and the Israelis. We're committed to this. We are committed to a comprehensive peace. And the president is too. You may recall his close and deep involvement in the Syrian track, and we hope that there will be a chance in fact to have a comprehensive peace with all three of these elements that I have outlined.

MS. RASSAM: I think we have one more minute or less in our program. But if we were to go back to our predictions -- and I know that it is difficult to predict -- but we as people living on this planet, we want the peoples of the world to live in peace and prosperity, especially our part of the world in the Middle East. If we were to dream and say that we have come to an end to the peace process and we have a good solution to the peace process, and the question of Iraq and the restoration of good neighborly relations between the countries of the region, and the three small islands are restored to their country, do you think this will happen in the future and that this will indeed be a bright future for the region, particularly after all these differences that have taken place? Can these peoples of these countries live in peace?

MR. KEISWETTER: Well, I guess I personally am an optimist, and I have tried to outline the significant accomplishments and progress that has been made. I have tried to outline the remaining challenges. And I guess we can profoundly hope so. And I believe there is an excellent Arabic phrase that covers this -- Inshallah (ph).

MS. RASSAM: Thank you very much. As usual, I am afraid our time is up. But I would like to thank Mr. Keiswetter for his contribution to our program today. I would also like to thank all of our broadcasters and our viewers, and I would extend my apologies to those whose calls we were not able to take. We hope we will be able to do so in future weeks. For additional information on Global Exchange, please visit our Web site at www.ibb.gov/worldnet. For "Global Exchange," this this is Shameem Rassam signing off and thanking you all for joining us.