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U.S. Policy Towards Iraq Hearing
of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee March 01, 2001 PREPARED STATEMENT OF HON.
PAUL WELLSTONE
I welcome this hearing on our policy toward Iraq as the Administration initiates a comprehensive review that could have far-reaching consequences for U.S. relations with the Arab world. The beginning of a new Administration is an appropriate time to review our policies and, where necessary, to recraft them in a way that meets the changing political and humanitarian concerns in the Middle East. A year ago, in the midst of the Clinton Administration's own Iraq policy review, I posed several ideas about how to apply the existing sanctions regime more flexibly while preserving strict monitoring of any weapons-related activity. I would like to insert into the Committee record a copy of the letter I wrote to the President outlining those ideas. In this regard, Secretary Powell's trip last week to consult with our friends and allies in the Middle East was an extremely important initiative. The ideas that he discussed—a stronger international effort to block Iraqi imports of arms and military-related items coupled with an easing of nonmilitary items and a more flexible approach to items that serve essential civilian needs—could form the basis of a new international consensus on Iraq sanctions. I hope that this hearing will help us put these ideas into perspective. Iraq poses a series of complex questions for policy makers. On the one hand, we are confronted with the Iraqi government's persistent refusal to meet its obligations with regard to Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD), as well as its record of wholesale human rights abuses. At the same time, the comprehensive UN sanctions regime has contributed to a long-standing humanitarian crisis that has seriously affected the health and well-being of millions of innocent Iraqis. It is clear that the policies of the Iraqi government have greatly compounded and magnified the humanitarian crisis, and that the government has not made the welfare of its civilian population a priority. Even so, it has long seemed to me that a new approach on sanctions which allows much greater flexibility in the sanctions regime for obviously humanitarian goods and for certain dual use goods makes a lot of sense. It is true that the Iraqi government bears the lion's share of responsibility for unnecessary civilian suffering due to its persistent refusal to comply with the UN weapons inspection program. This refusal is underscored by widespread media reports about Iraq's possible effort to rebuild certain of its WMD capacities. However, the callous behavior of the Iraqi government does not excuse the international community from its own humanitarian obligations. I believe that we ought to explore further Secretary Powell's initiative, refine it, and see if constructive alternative approaches can be developed in place of the current stalemate. We need some hard thinking on Iraq. Our policy of overlying Iraq has been in place for years and puts our pilots in danger on a daily basis but has not changed the government of Iraq's behavior. I know that Senator Kerrey has been outspoken in his support for the Iraq Liberation Act, but we need to think carefully whether to support providing lethal military weapons to the Iraqi opposition. We risk overcommiting ourselves and leading the opposition to believe that the United States military will intervene if its fledgling efforts should falter. Are we prepared to rescue the Iraqi opposition? Are we prepared to let it die again? If the current government in Iraq should implode, certainly we should be prepared to move ahead with a generous assistance package to help Iraq develop a vibrant and democratic society. But, by most informed accounts, the opposition appears splintered and weak and may have little realistic chance of removing Saddam Hussein from power. I welcome Senator Kerrey, Mort Halpem, Richard Perle, and Tony Cordesman to the hearing today and look forward to hearing their views.
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